Ambedkar was born on April 14, 1891, in the Mhow Nagar military cantonment, located in the Central India Province (now Madhya Pradesh) of British India. He was the 14th and last child of Ramji Maloji Sakpal and Bhimabai. His family was of Marathi origin; they believed in Kabir Panth, and he was a resident of Ambadwe village in Ratnagiri district in present-day Maharashtra. He belonged to the Hindu Mahar caste, which was then called untouchable, and thus had to endure deep discrimination socially and economically. Bhimrao Ambedkar’s ancestors had long served in the army of the British East India Company, and his father, Ramji Sakpal, served in the Mhow cantonment of the Indian Army and rose to the rank of subedar while serving here. He received formal education in Marathi and English.

Due to his caste, the boy Bhima was facing social resistance. Despite being able to study in school, student Bhimrao had to face many difficulties due to his untouchability. On November 7, 1900, Ramji Sakpal enrolled his son Bhimrao as Bhiva Ramji Ambedwekar at the Government High School in Satara. His childhood name was ‘Bhiva’. Ambedkar’s original surname was spelled Ambedwekar instead of Sakpal, which was related to his Ambedwe village. Because the people of Konkan province kept their surname from the name of the village, hence Ambedkar’s surname from Ambedkar’s Ambedwe village was registered in the school. Later, Krishna Keshav Ambedkar, a Devrukhe Brahmin teacher who had a special affection for him, dropped ‘Ambedwekar’ from his name and added his simple ‘Ambedkar’ surname. Since then until today, he has been known by the name Ambedkar.

Ramji Sakpal moved to Bombay (now Mumbai) with the family. In April 1906, when Bhimrao was about 15 years old, he was arranged to marry Ramabai, a nine-year-old girl. He was in fifth-grade English at the time. In those days, child marriage was prevalent in India.

Ambedkar’s grandfather’s name was Maloji Sakpal; his father’s name was Ramji Sakpal; and his mother’s name was Bhimabai. His mother died in 1896, when Ambedkar was five years old. So he was looked after by Bua Mirabai, who was his father’s elder sister. At the behest of Meerabai, Ramji remarried Jijabai, so that child Bhimrao could get his mother’s love. When Bhimrao was in the fifth grade of English, he married Ramabai. Ramabai and Bhimrao also had five children: four sons (Yashwant, Ramesh, Gangadhar, and Rajratna) and one daughter (Indu). But except for Yashwant, all the children had died during their childhood. Prakash, Ramabai, Anandraj, and Bhimrao are all the children of Yashwant Ambedkar.

Education

Primary education

Ambedkar took admission in the first class of English on November 7, 1900, at the Government High School (now Pratap Singh High School), located at Rajwada Chowk in Satara Nagar. His educational life started on this day; hence, November 7 is celebrated as Student’s Day in Maharashtra. At that time he was called as ‘Bhiva’. At that time in the school, ‘Bhiva Ramji Ambedkar was his name, and his serial number was 1914 in the attendance register. When he passed the fourth grade English examination, Bhimrao’s success was celebrated as a public ceremony among untouchables, as it was unusual among untouchables, and his family friend and writer Dada Keluskar published a self-written ‘Buddha’. Biography’ was presented to him. After reading this, he came to know Gautam Buddha and Buddhism for the first time and was impressed by his teachings.

secondary education

In 1897, Ambedkar’s family moved to Mumbai, where he received further education at the Government High School on Elphinstone Road.

In 1907, he passed his matriculation examination, and the following year he entered Elphinstone College, which was affiliated with the University of Bombay. He was the first person from his community to receive education at this level.

By 1912, he had obtained a Bachelor of Arts (BA) in Economics and Political Science from Bombay University and had begun working with the Baroda State Government. His wife had just moved her family and started work when he had to return to Bombay to attend to his ailing father, who died on February 2, 1913.

In 1913, Ambedkar moved to the United States at the age of 22, where he received a stipend of $11.50 per month for three years to provide opportunities for graduate education at Columbia University in New York City under a scheme set up by Sayajirao Gaekwad III (Gaekwad of Baroda). Soon after reaching there, he settled in Livingston Hall with a Parsi friend, Naval Bhatena. In June 1915, he passed his Master of Arts (MA) examination, with economics as his main subject and sociology, history, philosophy, and anthropology as other subjects. He presented research on the topic of ancient Indian commerce for his post-graduation project. Ambedkar was influenced by John Dewey and his work on democracy.

In 1916, he was awarded a second Master of Arts for his second research work, The National Dividend of India: A Historical and Analytical Study, and eventually made his way to London. He received a PhD in economics in 1916 for his third research work, Evolution of Provincial Finance in British India, and was officially awarded a PhD in 1927 after publishing his research work. On May 9, he presented a research paper titled Castes in India: Their System, Origin, and Evolution, his first published paper, at a seminar organised by the anthropologist Alexander Goldenweiser. He used the scholarship he received for a period of three years to complete the course in America in just two years, and in 1916 he went to London.

In October 1916, he moved to London and joined the Barrister Course (legal studies) at Gray’s Inn, as well as the London School of Economics, where he began work on his doctoral thesis in economics. In June 1917, he was forced to leave his studies temporarily and return to India as his scholarship from Baroda State had expired. On his return, his book collection was sent on a different ship than the one that was sunk by a torpedo from a German submarine. This was the period of the First World War. He received permission to return to London for his thesis within four years. Dr. Bhimrao Ambedkar was disheartened by the sudden reappearance of discrimination in his life while working as the Army Secretary of Baroda State and quit his job to work as a private tutor and accountant. He even started his own consulting business, which failed due to his social status. He got a job as Professor of Political Economy at the Sydnam College of Commerce and Economics in Mumbai because of his English acquaintance, Lord Sydnam, former Governor of Mumbai. In 1920, with the support of Shahu Maharaj of Kolhapur, his Parsi friend, and some personal savings, he was able to return to England once again and obtain a Master of Science (MSc) in 1921, for which he studied ‘Provencial’. Decentralisation of Imperial Finance in British India’ (provincial decentralisation of imperial economy in British India) was presented. In 1922, he was awarded the Barrister-at-Laws degree by Gray’s Inn and was admitted to the British Bar as a barrister. In 1923, he obtained a D.Sc. (Doctor of Science) degree in economics. His thesis was on “The Problem of the Rupee: Its Origin and its Solution”. Returning to India after completing his London studies, Bhimrao Ambedkar stayed in Germany for three months, where he continued his economics studies at the University of Bonn. But due to paucity of time, he could not stay longer in the university. His third and fourth doctorates (LLD, Columbia University, 1952, and D. Litt, Osmania University, 1953) were honorary degrees.

struggle against untouchability

Ambedkar had said, “Untouchability is worse than slavery.” Ambedkar was educated by the princely state of Baroda, so he was bound to serve them. He was appointed military secretary to Maharaja Gaekwad, but he had to leave the job within no time due to caste discrimination. He described this incident in his autobiography, Waiting for a Visa. After this, he tried again to find a means of livelihood for his growing family, for which he worked as an accountant and also as a private tutor, and he established an investment consulting business, but all these efforts He failed when his clients learned that he was untouchable. In 1918, he became Professor of Political Economy at the Sydenham College of Commerce and Economics in Bombay. Although he was successful with the students, other professors objected to him sharing drinking utensils with them.

Ambedkar was invited to testify as one of India’s leading scholars before the Southborough Committee, which was preparing the Government of India Act of 1919. During this hearing, Ambedkar advocated separate electorates and reservations for Dalits and other religious communities. In 1920, from Bombay, he started the publication of the weekly Mooknayak. The publication quickly became popular with readers, and Ambedkar used it to criticise conservative Hindu politicians and the reluctance of the Indian political community to fight caste discrimination. His speech during a conference of the Dalit class greatly impressed the local ruler of Kolhapur state, Shahu IV, whose dinner with Ambedkar caused a stir in the conservative society.

While practicing law in the Bombay High Court, he made efforts to promote the education and upliftment of the untouchables. His first organised effort was the establishment of the Kendriya Sansthan Bahishkrit Hitakarini Sabha, which aimed at promoting education and socio-economic reform as well as the welfare of the “outcasts”, referred to as the depressed classes. To protect Dalit rights, he brought out five magazines, namely Mooknayak, Bahishkrit Bharat, Samata, Prabuddha Bharat, and Janta.

In 1925, he was appointed to the Bombay Presidency Committee to serve on the Simon Commission, which consisted of all European members. Protests took place across India against this commission. While its report was ignored by most Indians, Ambedkar separately wrote recommendations for future constitutional reforms.

On January 1, 1927, Ambedkar organised a ceremony at the Koregaon Victory Monument (Jaystambh) in honour of Indian Mahar soldiers killed during the Battle of Koregaon on January 1, 1818, under the Second Anglo-Maratha War. Here, the names of soldiers belonging to the Mahar community were engraved on a marble inscription, making Koregaon a symbol of Dalit self-respect.

By 1927, Dr. Ambedkar had decided to launch a massive and active movement against untouchability. Through public agitations, satyagrahas, and processions, he fought for the opening of public drinking water resources to all sections of society, as well as for untouchables to have the right to enter Hindu temples. He also launched a satyagraha in Mahad city to get the untouchable community the right to take water from the city’s Chavdar reservoir. At the conference in late 1927, Ambedkar publicly denounced the ancient Hindu text, the Manusmriti, many of whose verses openly support caste discrimination and casteism, for ideologically justifying caste discrimination and “untouchability”. , and they ceremoniously burned copies of the ancient text. On December 25, 1927, he led thousands of followers to burn copies of Manusmriti. In its memory, December 25 is celebrated every year as Manusmriti Burning Day by Ambedkarites and Hindu Dalits.

In 1930, Ambedkar launched the Kalaram Temple Satyagraha after three months of preparation. Around 15,000 volunteers gathered for the Kalaram Mandir movement, making it the largest procession in Nashik. The procession was led by a military band, and a batch of scouts, women, and men moved in discipline, order, and determination to see the Lord for the first time. When they reached the gate, the gate was closed by the Brahmin officials.

poona pact

Till now, Bhimrao Ambedkar had become the biggest untouchable political personality to date. He bitterly criticised the perceived apathy of the mainstream political parties towards the eradication of the caste system. Ambedkar also criticised the Indian National Congress and its leader, Mahatma Gandhi, accusing them of presenting the untouchable community as an object of pity. Ambedkar was also dissatisfied with the failures of British rule; he advocated a separate political identity for the untouchable community, in which both the Congress and the British would have no interference. On August 8, 1930, during an oppressed class conference, i.e., the First Round Table Conference in London, Ambedkar put forward his political vision to the world, according to which the security of the oppressed class lies in its independence from both the government and the Congress.

Ambedkar criticised the Congress and the Salt Satyagraha run by Gandhi. Due to his increasing popularity and public support in the untouchable community, he was invited to participate in the second Round Table Conference to be held in London in 1931. There he had a heated debate with Gandhi on the issue of giving separate electorates to the untouchables, and the British agreed with Dr. Ambedkar’s views. Gandhi, a staunch opponent of separate electorates based on religion and caste, feared that separate electorates given to untouchables would divide Hindu society. Gandhi felt that the upper castes should be given a few years to change their hearts and forget untouchability.

In 1932, the British, agreeing with Ambedkar’s views, announced separate electorates for the untouchables. The announcement of the communal award was the result of the discussions held at the Round Table Conference. Under this accord, considering the demand for political representation raised by Ambedkar, the Dalits were given the right to two votes in separate electorates. Under this, the Dalits could choose their representative with one vote, and there was freedom to choose the representative of the general class with the second vote. Thus, the Dalit representative was to be elected by the votes of Dalits only. With this provision, there was no interference by the general class in choosing the Dalit representative. But at the same time, the Dalit class could play its role by using its second vote to elect the representative of the general class. In such a situation, the Dalit candidate elected by the Dalits could have kept the problems of the Dalits very well in check, but it was not necessary for the non-candidate to try to solve their problems.

Gandhi was at this time in Yerwada Jail in Poona. As soon as the communal award was announced, Gandhi first wrote a letter to the Prime Minister demanding that it be changed. But when he felt that no action was being taken on his demand, he announced that he would fast unto death. Then Ambedkar said that “it would have been better if Gandhi had kept this fast for the independence of the country, but he has kept this fast against the Dalit people, which is very regrettable. While Indian Christians, Muslims, and Sikhs got the same K, there was no objection from Gandhi regarding the right.” He also said that Gandhi is not immortal. I don’t know how many such people were born in India and left. Ambedkar said that he could not sacrifice the interests of Dalits to save Gandhi’s life. Now Gandhi’s health was continuously deteriorating due to his death fast. There was a huge crisis in Gandhi’s life. And the whole Hindu society became Ambedkar’s opponent.

Seeing the growing pressure in the country, Ambedkar reached Yerwada Jail on September 24, 1932, at 5 p.m. Here there was an agreement between Gandhi and Ambedkar, which later came to be known as the Poona Pact. In this agreement, Ambedkar announced that he would give up the right to a separate electorate given to the Dalits in the Communal Award. But along with this, instead of the 78 reserved seats received from the communal award, the number of reserved seats was increased to 148 in the Poona Pact. Along with this, he fixed a sufficient amount in education grants in each province for untouchable people and ensured the recruitment of Dalit class people from government jobs without any discrimination; in this way, Ambedkar saved the life of Mahatma Gandhi. Ambedkar was unsatisfied with the compromise, calling Gandhi’s fast a ploy by Gandhi to deprive the untouchables of their political rights and force them to back down from their demands. Ambedkar condemned this agreement in 1942 and expressed his displeasure regarding the Poona Pact in his book, ‘State of Minority’. The Republican Party of India has also held Dhikr meetings many times before this.

political life

Must be redone. He thought that the Muslims could have no objection to the redrawing of the provincial boundaries. If they did, they didn’t quite “understand the nature of their demand”. Scholar Venkat Dhalipal said that thoughts on Pakistan “prevented Indian politics for a decade”. This set the course of dialogue between the Muslim League and the Indian National Congress, paving the way for the Partition of India. [69] Although he was a fierce critic of Muhammad Ali Jinnah and the Muslim League’s divisive communal tactics, he argued that Hindus and Muslims should be separated and Pakistan should be formed because ethnic nationalism will lead to more violence within the country if it is led by a single country. He cited historical events such as the dissolution of the Ottoman Empire and Czechoslovakia in support of his idea of a communal divide between Hindus and Muslims. He asked whether there were sufficient reasons for the establishment of Pakistan. and suggested that it might have been possible to end the differences between Hindus and Muslims with a less drastic step. He has written that Pakistan should justify its existence. Communal issues have always been there, even in countries like Canada, but even today the British and the French live together. Why can’t Hindus and Muslims also live together? He warned that the actual implementation of the two-nation solution would be extremely difficult. With the transfer of a huge population, there will also be the problem of border disputes. This prediction was correct, keeping in mind the violence that would happen after India’s independence.

“What Congress and Gandhi have done to the Untouchables?” (What did Congress and Gandhi do for the Untouchables?) With this book, Ambedkar sharpened his attacks on both Gandhi and the Congress, accusing them of hypocrisy.

Ambedkar saw his political party transform into the All India Scheduled Castes Federation, although it fared poorly in the 1946 elections to the Constituent Assembly of India. Later, he was elected to the Constituent Assembly from Bengal, where the Muslim League was in power. Ambedkar contested the first Indian Lok Sabha election of 1952 from Bombay North but was defeated by his former assistant and Congress Party candidate Narayan Kajolkar. Ambedkar became a member of the Rajya Sabha in 1952. He tried to enter the Lok Sabha again in the 1954 by-election from Bhandara, but he finished third (the Congress party won). By the time of the second general election in 1957, Ambedkar had passed away.

Ambedkar was twice a member of the Parliament of India, representing Maharashtra in the Rajya Sabha, the upper house of the Parliament of India. His first term as a Rajya Sabha member was from April 3, 1952, to April 2, 1956, and his second term was to be held from April 3, 1956, to April 2, 1962, but he died on December 6, 1956, before the term could expire. Went.

On September 30, 1956, Ambedkar announced the establishment of the “Republican Party of India”, rejecting the “Scheduled Caste Federation”, but he died on December 6, 1956, before the party could be formed. After that, his followers and workers planned to form the party. A meeting of the Presidency was held at Nagpur on October 1, 1957, to establish the party. N. Shivraj, Yashwant Ambedkar, P. T. Borale, A. G. Pawar, Datta Katti, and D. A. Rupwate were present in this meeting. The Republican Party of India was formed on October 3, 1957, and N. Shivraj was elected as its president.

Ambedkar, in his book Who Were the Shudras?, explained the origins of the Shudras, the lowest caste in the hierarchy of the Hindu caste system. He also emphasised how the Atishudras (untouchables) were different from the Shudras. Who were the Shudras in 1948? In the sequel, The Untouchables: A Thesis on the Origin of Untouchability, Ambedkar lambasted Hinduism.

Ambedkar was also a great critic of the practises of Islam in South Asia. He took the side of the partition of India but strongly condemned the practise of child marriage prevalent among Muslims and the mistreatment of women. He said, Words cannot express the ill effects of polygamy and the keeping of concubines, which are the source of much sorrow, especially for a Muslim woman. Take the caste system: everyone says that Islam should be free from slavery and caste, whereas slavery exists and is supported by Islam and Islamic countries. While the Prophet’s prescriptions regarding justice and humane treatment of slaves contained in the Qur’an are praiseworthy, there is nothing in Islam that supports the abolition of this curse. Even if slavery is abolished, the caste system will remain among the Muslims.

He wrote that there are more social evils in Muslim society than in Hindu society, and Muslims hide them by using soft words like “brotherhood”. He also criticised the discrimination by Muslims against the Arzal classes, who were considered inferior,” as well as the oppressive Purdah system of oppression of women in Muslim society. They said that the veil is also seen in Hindus, but religious approval was given only by Muslims. He criticised the bigotry in Islam, due to which society has become very bigoted due to the strict adherence to the rules of Islam, and it has become very difficult to change it. He further wrote that Indian Muslims have failed to reform their society, while on the contrary, countries like Turkey have changed themselves a lot.

Declaration of change of religion

While living under Hinduism for 10–12 years, Babasaheb Ambedkar made all efforts to improve Hinduism and Hindu society to achieve equality and respect, but the hearts of the upper-caste Hindus did not change. On the contrary, he was condemned and even called the destroyer of Hinduism. After that, he said, “We made all kinds of efforts and satyagrahas to achieve equality in Hindu society, but all proved futile. There is no place for equality in Hindu society. Hindu society used to say that “man is for religion,” while Ambedkar believed that “religion is for man.” Ambedkar said that there is no point in a religion that has no value for humanity. There is no point in living in a religion that does not allow the followers of its own religion (the untouchables) to get religious education, hinders them from getting jobs, humiliates them on every matter, and even does not allow them to get water. Ambedkar did not announce his renunciation of Hinduism out of any kind of enmity or desire to destroy Hinduism; he decided it on the basis of some fundamental principles that were not in sync with Hinduism at all.

On October 13, 1935, while speaking at a conference at Yeola, near Nashik, Ambedkar announced his conversion.

“Though I am born as an untouchable Hindu, I will never die as a Hindu!”

He also called upon his followers to leave Hinduism and adopt some other religion. He also reiterated this point in many public meetings across India. After the announcement of this conversion, many Christian missionaries from the Nizam of Hyderabad converted to Islam and offered him the temptation of crores of rupees, but he rejected them all. Undoubtedly, he also wanted the economic condition of the Dalit society to improve, but not by depending on other people’s money but by his hard work and organisation. Apart from this, Ambedkar wanted to choose a religion whose centre was man and morality and that had freedom, equality, and fraternity. In any case, he did not want to adopt a religion that was bound by the disease of casteism and untouchability, nor did he want to choose a religion that had superstition and hypocrisy. Gandhi wrote in ‘Harijan’ of March 21, 1936, ‘Ever since Dr. Ambedkar has hurled the bombshell of the threat of religious conversion in the Hindu society, every effort is being made to dissuade him from his determination.’ Here Gandhi ji further writes at one place, ‘ Yes, in times like this, it is necessary for (upper-caste) reformers to search their hearts. He should think that this is not being done because he is unhappy with the behaviour of me or my neighbours. It is an accepted fact that the behaviour of a large number of Hindus who call themselves Sanatani is such that it causes great inconvenience and irritation to the Harijans all over the country. The wonder is: why have only so many Hindus left Hinduism, and why have others not also done so? It is because of the admirable loyalty or superiority of the Hindu religion that millions of Harijans have remained in it in spite of so much cruelty committed in its name.

Ambedkar made an in-depth study of all the major religions of the world during the period of 21 years after he announced his conversion. The main reason for him taking such a long time was also that he wanted as many of his followers as possible to convert with him at the time he converted. Ambedkar liked Buddhism because it has a coordinated form of three principles that are not found in any other religion. Buddhism teaches wisdom (the use of reason rather than superstition and supernaturalism), compassion (love), and samatha (equality). He said that man wants these things for an auspicious and blissful life. God and the soul cannot save society. According to Ambedkar, the true religion is the one whose centre is man and morality, based on science or an intellectual element; the centre of religion is God, liberation, and salvation of the soul. At the same time, he said that the task of religion should be to reconstruct the world, not to explain its origin and end. He was in favour of a democratic social system because he believed that, in such a situation, religion can become the guide for human life. He got all these things only from Buddhism.

constitution making

Despite the bitter criticism of Gandhi and the Congress, Ambedkar had a reputation as a unique scholar and jurist. As a result, when India gained independence on August 15, 1947, the new Congress-led government invited Ambedkar to serve as the country’s first law and justice minister, which he accepted. On August 29, 1947, Ambedkar was appointed chairman of the Constitution Drafting Committee to draught a new constitution for independent India. Ambedkar’s study of early Buddhist Sangha rituals and other Buddhist texts also came in handy in the work of constitution-making.

Ambedkar was a wise constitutional expert; he had studied the constitutions of about 60 countries. Ambedkar is recognised as the “Father of the Constitution of India”. In the Constituent Assembly, TT Krishnamachari, a member of the drafting committee, said:

“Sir Speaker, I am one of those in the House who have listened very carefully to Dr. Ambedkar. I know of the work and enthusiasm that went into the drafting of this Constitution.” At the same time, I feel that the attention that was necessary for the purpose of framing a constitution for us at this juncture was not given by the Drafting Committee. The House is probably aware of seven members. Your nominee, one, had resigned from the House and was replaced. One had died, and there was no one to replace him. One was in America, and his place was not filled, and another was busy with affairs of state, and to that extent, there was a void. One or two people were far away from Delhi, and perhaps health reasons did not allow them to participate. So it ultimately happened that the entire burden of drafting this constitution fell on Dr. Ambedkar, and I have no doubt that we are indebted to him. Having received this work, I feel that it is undoubtedly commendable.

Granville Austin described the Indian Constitution drafted by Ambedkar as “the first and foremost social document.” “Most of India’s constitutional provisions are directly reached either in furtherance of the objective of social revolution or in an effort to promote this revolution by establishing the conditions necessary for its achievement.”

The text of the constitution drafted by Ambedkar provided constitutional guarantees and protections for a wide range of civil liberties for individual citizens, including freedom of religion, the abolition of untouchability, and the prohibition of all forms of discrimination. Ambedkar argued for wider economic and social rights for women and for the reservation of jobs in the civil service, schools, and colleges for members of the Scheduled Castes (SC), Scheduled Tribes (ST), and Other Backward Classes (OBCs). To begin with, it won the support of the assembly, which was affirmative action. India’s lawmakers hoped to eliminate socio-economic inequalities and a lack of opportunities for India’s poor through these measures. The constitution was adopted by the Constituent Assembly on November 26, 1949. Speaking after completing his work, Ambedkar said:

I feel that the constitution is workable; it is flexible, but at the same time, it is strong enough to hold the country together in times of peace and war. In fact, I can say that if ever something went wrong, it would not be because our constitution was bad but because the man who used it was bad.

opposition to article 370

Ambedkar opposed Article 370 of the Constitution of India, which gave special status to the state of Jammu and Kashmir and was included in the constitution against his wishes. Balraj Madhok said that Ambedkar had told the Kashmiri leader Sheikh Abdullah bluntly: “You want that India should protect your borders, it should build roads in your territory, and it should supply you with grain. should, and Kashmir should be given equal status with India. But the government of India should have only limited powers, and the Indian people should not have any rights in Kashmir. To give assent to this motion, as the Law Minister of India, would be a treacherous thing against India’s interests; it would never do.” Abdullah then contacted Nehru, who directed him to Gopal Swami Ayyangar, who, in turn, contacted Vallabhbhai Patel and said that Nehru had promised to give Wasif Abdullah special status. The article was passed by Patel while Nehru was on a foreign tour. On the day the article came up for discussion, Ambedkar did not answer questions about it but participated in discussions about other articles. All the arguments were made by Krishna Swami Iyengar.

Was in favour of and opposed Article 370 in the case of Kashmir. Ambedkar’s India would have been a country of modern, scientific, and rational thinking; there would be no place for personal law in it. During the debate in the Constituent Assembly, Ambedkar expressed his desire to reform Indian society by recommending the adoption of a uniform civil code. Ambedkar resigned from the cabinet in 1951 after the draught of his Hindu Code Bill was stalled in Parliament. There was talk of providing many rights to Indian women through the Hindu Code Bill. This draught called for gender equality in the laws of succession, marriage, and the economy. Although Prime Minister Nehru, the cabinet, and some other Congress leaders supported it, a large number of members of parliament, including President Rajendra Prasad and Vallabhbhai Patel, were against it. Ambedkar contested the Lok Sabha elections in 1952 from the Bombay (North Central) constituency as an independent candidate but was defeated. In this election, 123,576 votes were polled for Ambedkar and 138,137 votes for Narayan Sadoba Kajolkar. In March 1952, he was appointed to the Upper House of the Parliament, i.e., the Rajya Sabha, and after that he remained a member of this house till his death.

conversion to Buddhism

In the 1950s, Bhimrao Ambedkar became attracted to Buddhism and went to Sri Lanka (then Ceylon) to attend a conference of Buddhist monks and scholars. While dedicating a new Buddhist monastery near Pune, Dr. Ambedkar announced that he was writing a book on Buddhism and would formally convert to Buddhism as soon as it was finished. Ambedkar visited Myanmar twice in 1954. The second time he went to Rangoon, he attended the Third World Buddhist Fellowship Conference. In 1955, he founded the ‘Bharatiya Buddhist Mahasabha, i.e., the Buddhist Society of India’. He completed his last magnum opus, The Buddha and His Dhamma, in 1956. It was published after his death in 1957. Ambedkar wrote in the preface of this book that

I consider Buddha’s Dhamma to be the best. No religion can be compared to this. If a modern man who believes in science should have a religion, then that religion can only be Buddhism. This conviction has grown in me after twenty-five years of close study of all religions.

I am taking refuge in Lord Buddha and his original religion. I am neutral towards the prevailing Buddhist sects. The Buddhism I am professing is Neobuddhism, or Navayana. On October 14, 1956, in the city of Nagpur, Dr. Bhimrao Ambedkar organised a formal public conversion ceremony for himself and his supporters. First, Dr. Ambedkar, along with his wife Savita and some associates, accepted Buddhism by adopting Triratna and Panchsheel in the traditional way from monk Mahasthaveer Chandramani. He then converted his 5,000 followers to Navayana Buddhism, giving them the Triratna, the Panchasheela, and the 22 vows.

Dr. Bhimrao Ambedkar ji and his family were greatly influenced by the ideology of Kabir Saheb ji and used to live their lives based on the knowledge of Kabir Saheb ji. Kabir Parmeshwar ji removed hypocrisy and social evils like casteism, wrong religious beliefs, animal violence, drug addiction, etc.

By breaking the network of deities, he was imagining a free man who is religious but does not consider inequality to be the value of life. In order to completely separate the bonds of Hinduism, Ambedkar himself prescribed twenty-two vows for his Buddhist followers, which are the essence of the philosophy of Buddhism. These vows include disbelief in the Trinity of Hinduism, denial of avatarism, shraddha-tarpana, abandonment of Pindadan, belief in Buddha’s doctrines and teachings, non-participation in any ceremony performed by brahmins, belief in the equality of man, Buddha’s eightfold path, kindness to creatures, not stealing, not telling lies, not consuming alcohol, giving up Hinduism based on inequality, and adopting Buddhism. Taking Navayan, Ambedkar and his supporters clearly condemned and abandoned the heterodox Hindu religion and Hindu philosophy. On the second day, October 15, Ambedkar again initiated 2 to 3 lakh of his followers into Buddhism there; these were the followers who could not reach the ceremony on October 14 or arrived late. Ambedkar initiated about 8 lakh people into Buddhism in Nagpur; hence, this land became famous as Deekshabhoomi. On the third day, October 16, Ambedkar went to Chandrapur, and there too he initiated about 3,000 supporters of Buddhism. In this way, in just three days, Ambedkar himself converted more than 11 lakh people to Buddhism, increased the number of Buddhists in the world by 11 lakhs, and revived Buddhism in India. This incident received greetings from many people and Buddhist countries. After this, he went to Kathmandu to attend the Fourth World Buddhist Conference in Nepal. There he went to the Dalit settlements of Kathmandu city. The Ambedkarite movement in Nepal is led by Dalit leaders, and most Dalit leaders in Nepal believe that “Ambedkar’s philosophy” is capable of eradicating caste discrimination. He completed his final manuscript, The Buddha and Karl Marx, on December 2, 1956.

Ambedkarism

“Ambedkarism” is Ambedkar’s ideology and philosophy. The themes of freedom, equality, fraternity, Buddhism, scientism, humanism, truth, non-violence, etc. are principles of Ambedkarism. Eradication of untouchability, social reform among Dalits, propagation of Buddhism in India, publicity, protecting the rights and fundamental rights enshrined in the Indian Constitution, creation of a moral and caste-free society, and India’s progress are the main objectives. Ambedkarism is a social, political, and religious ideology.

relationship with and thoughts about Gandhi

In the 1920s, Ambedkar returned to India after completing his studies abroad and started working in the social sector. At that time, Mahatma Gandhi had started the freedom movement under the leadership of the Congress party. Ambedkar and Gandhi had their first meeting on August 14, 1931, at Mani Bhavan in Bombay. Till that time, Gandhi did not know that Ambedkar himself was a so-called ‘untouchable’. He considered him a social reformer of his own kind, a ‘savarna’ or Brahmin leader. Gandhi was told that Ambedkar had obtained higher degrees after studying abroad and was a PhD. He is eager to improve the condition of Dalits and always criticises Gandhi and Congress. Knowing about Ambedkar’s arguments in the first round table conference, Gandhi came to believe that he is a modernist youth who has completely adapted to western education and thought and who is also looking at Indian society from a European point of view. When Gandhi was assassinated, Ambedkar was the first person to reach the spot, and according to eyewitnesses, he stayed there for a long time. In 1935, when Ambedkar announced to leave Hinduism and mass conversion, on March 4, 1936, Jamnalal Bajaj asked Gandhi’s opinion on this in a programme in Savli village of Gujarat. Gandhi said, ‘If I had been in the place of Dr. Ambedkar, I would have been equally angry. In that situation, perhaps I would not have become a non-violent person. We should humbly bear whatever Dr. Ambedkar does. Not only this, but the service of the Harijans lies in this. Even if they really hit us with shoes, we should bear it. But don’t be afraid of them. There is no need to convince them by following in the footsteps of Dr. Ambedkar. This will do them a disservice. If he or other Harijans who do not believe in Hinduism convert, that too will be the cause of our purification. We deserve to be treated like this.

Gandhi used the address ‘Doctor’ for Ambedkar, and Ambedkar used to call Gandhi ‘Mr. Gandhi’. In the decades of 1930 and 1940, Ambedkar sharply criticised Gandhi. He was of the view that the Gandhian way of uplifting sanitation workers was condescending. Gandhi wanted to purify Hinduism by removing the stigma of untouchability. On the other hand, Ambedkar rejected Hindutva itself. He was of the view that if Dalits wanted to get the status of equal citizens, they would have to adopt some other faith. Ambedkar was upset that the Congress did nothing for the Dalits. Gandhi was most responsible for this because, before his last days, he was not ready to oppose the varna and caste systems but was satisfied with being a Sanatani Hindu. Although Gandhi and Ambedkar remained political opponents throughout their lives, both played complementary roles in weakening the abusive social order. Untouchability has been abolished by law, but Dalits are still discriminated against in many parts of India.

On February 26, 1955, Ambedkar expressed his views on Mahatma Gandhi in an interview given to the BBC. Ambedkar said that he always saw Gandhi as a rival. That’s why he knew Gandhi better than others. According to Ambedkar, “Gandhi was an episode in the history of India; he was never an epoch-maker. In the English newspaper, Gandhi described himself as an opponent of the caste system and untouchability. And in his other Gujarati newspaper, he appeared as a more conservative figure. Whereas it is clear from the study of these writings that Gandhi supported the caste system in his English writings and opposed untouchability in his Gujarati writings. Ambedkar insisted on equal opportunity and dignity along with the abolition of untouchability and claimed that Gandhi was opposed to it. According to him, Gandhi used to talk about untouchability only so that he could unite the untouchables with the Congress. He wanted that the untouchables not oppose his concept of Swaraj. Gandhi was not a radical reformer and did not try to destroy the caste system in the manner of Jyotirao Phule or Ambedkar. Gandhi’s ‘Harijan’ address to Dalits was opposed by Ambedkar and his supporters, and Dalits considered it as ‘abuse’. The ‘Harijan Sevak Sangh’ started by Gandhi was also disliked by Dalits because “it showed the idea of upliftment of Dalits with the help of an upper caste and not their own control over the lives of Dalits.

Gandhi and Ambedkar held similar views on many issues, while on many others their views were completely different or opposite. The views of both were opposed to each other on the issues of rural India, the caste system, and untouchability. Although both tried to establish the country on the basis of social justice and unity, they took different paths towards these ends. According to Gandhi, if untouchability is removed from the Hindu caste system, then the whole system can work in the interest of society. For its logical concept, Gandhi placed the village at the centre of development and progress, speaking of a complete society. Unlike Gandhi, Ambedkar advocated the complete destruction of the caste system. According to Ambedkar, as long as the caste system exists in society, untouchability will continue to flourish in new forms. Gandhi advocated for people to move to villages, while Ambedkar appealed to people to leave villages and move to cities. Gandhi and Ambedkar had some different ideas about villages and cities. Gandhi believed in satyagraha. According to Ambedkar, the upper caste Hindus cannot be converted through satyagraha because the caste system benefits them materially. Gandhi was against vesting more powers in the state. His efforts should be to vest more and more powers in the society, and for this he was in favour of making the village the main unit of power. On the contrary, instead of the society, Ambedkar advocated making the constitution more and more powerful.

Death

Since 1948, Ambedkar has suffered from diabetes. He was very ill from June to October 1954, during which he suffered from failing eyesight. Troubled by political issues, Ambedkar’s health went from bad to worse, and the continuous work done during 1955 broke him down. Ambedkar died in his sleep at his home in Delhi on 6 December 1956, three days after completing his last manuscript, Lord Buddha and His Dhamma. Then his age was 64 years and 7 months. His mortal remains were brought to his home, Rajgriha, in Mumbai by a special aircraft from Delhi. On December 7, a Buddhist-style funeral was held at the Dadar Chowpatty beach in Mumbai, which was attended by millions of his supporters, activists, and admirers. At his funeral, more than 10,00,000 of his followers were initiated into Buddhism by Bhadanta Anand Kausalyan, witnessing his body, as Ambedkar organised a Buddhist conversion programme on December 16, 1956, in Mumbai.

After his death, Ambedkar was survived by his second wife, Savita Ambedkar, who was the first person to become a Buddhist after Ambedkar (along with Ambedkar) in the Dalit Buddhist movement. Before marriage, his wife’s name was Dr. Sharda Kabir. Dr. Savita Ambedkar died as a Buddhist, as did his second wife, Savita Ambedkar, who was the first person to become a Buddhist after Ambedkar (along with Ambedkar) in the Dalit Buddhist movement. Before marriage, his wife’s name was Dr. Sharda Kabir. Dr. Savita Ambedkar died as a Buddhist on May 29, 2003, at the age of 94. Her son, Yashwant Ambedkar, and Ambedkar’s grandson, Prakash Ambedkar, lead the Bharipa Bahujan Mahasangh and have been members of both houses of the Indian Parliament.

A memorial has been set up at Ambedkar’s Delhi home at 26 Alipore Road. A public holiday is observed on Ambedkar Jayanti. In 1990, he was posthumously awarded the Bharat Ratna, India’s highest civilian award.

Every year, more than 20 lakh people pay tribute to him on his birth anniversary (April 14), Mahaparinirvana, i.e., death anniversary (December 6), and Dhammachakra enforcement day (October 14) at Chaityabhoomi (Mumbai), Deekshabhoomi (Nagpur), and Bhima Janmabhoomi (Mhow). Thousands of bookshops have been set up here, and books are sold. Ambedkar’s message to his followers was “Educate, organise, and struggle”.

ARTICLE BY : KALYAN SINGH

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